Steve Sailer noticed many of these same demographic patterns. "When city couples marry, they face major decisions: do they enjoy the adult-oriented cultural amenities of the city so much that they will stick it out, or do they head for the suburbs, exurbs, or even the country to afford more space for a growing family?"
Looking around the country, Sailer observes what he calls the "sexual organization of society." With great plausibility, he argues that demographic patterns have as much to do with sexual activity as with economic and other factors.
Conservatives are not alone in coming to this realization. Brooks points to Joel Kotkin and William Frey who observed in The New Republic Online, "Democrats swept the largely childless cities--true blue locales like San Francisco, Portland, Seattle, Boston and Manhattan have the lowest percentage of children in the nation--but generally had poor showings in most places where families are settling down, notably the Sun Belt cities, exurbs and outer suburbs of older metropolitan areas."
Demography may not be destiny, but in matters as mathematic as election results, demographic factors can come close to determining the outcome. Brooks understands that the fertility rate is tied to larger issues of worldview. "Natalists resist the declining fertility trends not because of income, education or other socioeconomic characteristics. It's attitudes. People with larger families tend to attend religious services more often, and tend to have more traditional gender roles."
Democrats--and American liberals in general--have a new concern on their hands. Conservatives are literally outpopulating liberals, and it's not all due to pregnancies. Abortion also plays a role. This factor was conclusively examined by James Taranto of The Wall Street Journal in his series of articles on "the Roe effect." As Taranto demonstrates, liberals tend to have far more abortions than conservatives, and liberal Democratic women--or those women most likely to vote for a Democratic candidate--are most likely to have abortions.
The Alan Guttmacher Institute, supported by Planned Parenthood, provides statistics on abortions nationwide, and the statistics for the last presidential election year (2000) prove that Taranto is on to something.
In 2000, Al Gore carried the District of Columbia with 76.2 percent of the vote. That same year, the abortion rate among teenage girls in D.C. ran 55 per 1000 girls and young women age fifteen through nineteen. That is an incredible statistic, indicating that at least one out of every twenty teenage girls living in the District of Columbia had an abortion in the year 2000. Most significantly, the highest rates of voting for the Democratic presidential candidate and the highest rate of teenage abortion came from the same geographic and political unit.
A similar pattern is evident throughout the fifty states. With few exceptions, abortion rates correlate closely with election outcomes.